Asia-Pacific Network: 19 July 2000
FIJI: BEHIND THE MYTH MAKING
Myth making continues in Fiji as supporters of rebel George Speight find all sorts of reasons to justify the illegal acts of 19 May 2000. While the takeover was portrayed as a nationalist takeover of an Indo-Fijian dominated government, the real reason was internal power struggles within indigenous Fijian clans.
By SANJAY RAMESH
MYTH MAKING continues in Fiji as supporters of George Speight find all sorts of reasons to justify the illegal acts of 19 May 2000. While the takeover was portrayed as a nationalist takeover of an Indo-Fijian dominated government, the real reason was internal power struggles within indigenous Fijian clans.
The chief target was Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara who was seen to be siding with the government of Mahendra Chaudhry. The configuration of special interest in Fiji in deposing an elected government must not be ignored.
Mara was seen as a catalyst for exacerbating dissent within the SVT and supporting the Fijian Association Party, which challenged Adi Samanunu Cakobau's citizenship status in 1995. While indigenous Fijian chiefs are related through kinship and extended families, sibling rivalry had peaked between the chiefly clans of Kubuna and Tovata.
Following the election of the Peoples Coalition in May 1999, internal conflict intensified and plans were set into motion to depose the government. First of all, indigenous Fijian disunity led to the demise of the SVT in the last general election and members who lost out immediately started a campaign to form a "united" indigenous Fijian stand against the Fiji Labour Party led Coalition. Most of these losers relied on Ratu Mara to intervene and thwart Chaudry's plans to become PM. Unfortunately, that did not take place and these losers became fiercely anti-Mara. Moreover, the inclusion of Adi Koila and Poseci Bune further inflamed anti-Mara sentiments.
Following the elections, Sitiveni Rabuka resigned and Ratu Inoke Kubuabola took over. Ratu Inoke was fiercely anti- Chaudhry, anti-Mara and anti-1997 Constitution. The legal challenge mounted by the opposition against Mara's interpretation of the 1997 Constitution with respect to Senate appointment is one that points to the level of discontent against the Mara-Chaudry order. The actions of the opposition confirmed two things. That the SVT was against Mara and that they were working hard to undermine his authority. The next notable event was the election of Ratu Rakuita Vakalalabure- one of the chief legal advisors of the George Speight group.
However, moves to unite indigenous Fijian parties were partially successful. Some members of the Fijian Association Party and the VLV supported the SVT plan, including former Party of National Unity member, Apisai Tora, who launched the Taukei Movement in April of this year. By then, of course, Suva businesses had become unhappy with government's industry policy. Chaudhry's protectionist policy made him enemies among Suva's business community. The names of 300 illustrate the level of mobilisation against the government.
The two elements- the opposition disenchantment with Chaudhry and Mara, and behind the scene manoeuvre by Suva businesses- triggered the takeover of 19 May. Clearly special interests were at play albeit claims that the illegal act was performed to "protect" otherwise "fully protected" indigenous Fijian institutions and culture. The 1997 Constitution had entrenched safeguard to ensure that indigenous Fijian aspirations are not thwarted by any government. Issues such as ALTA, mahogany, Land Use Commission, and transfer of state land were all before the Great Council of Chiefs. The Senate had the powers to disallow legislation that adversely affected indigenous Fijians. Even former Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka confirmed that Chaudhry government could not undermine or threaten indigenous Fijian land.
Myth making in Fiji is not new. Similar myth making took place during the 1987 coups. One centered around the premise that the FLP-NFP was a socialist government with connections to Libya and Soviet Union. Furthermore, the nationalists claimed that Indo-Fijians were a majority in 1987 and that they had plans to takeover indigenous Fijian land. This time around George Speight used "Indian colonization" as an ideological justification of his illegal act. Some argue that Indo-Fijians have a hidden motive against indigenous Fijian land.
One Maori site referred to Indian ambition in Fiji as "cultural imperialism." However, the facts speak for themselves. Indo-Fijians in their submissions to the Falvey Committee 1987, Manueli Committee 1989, and Reeves Commission 1995 confirmed that indigenous Fijians need special provisions to protect their unique culture and tradition and it was agreed by all parties that social justice must co-exist with economic justice. It was agreed in principle that special provisions be put in place to lessen the economic gap between indigenous Fijians and other communities while implementing a range of policies benefiting all ethnic groups.
The SVT agreed in 1997 that overt discriminatory provisions in the 1990 Constitution would end in two years and that the recommendations in the Reeves Report will be taken up by the government that comes to power. In light of the direction agreed to in 1997, Laisania Qarase's blue print for supremacy endorsed by the GCC on 13 July is nothing more than continuation of a failed experiment. Indigenous Fijian leaders have yet to a seriously address the contradictions of the "Fijian way of life" with the moves to integrate indigenous Fijian into the modern capitalist economy. These contradictions have not been understood or addressed fully and as a result we have a half-baked, racially weighted measures aimed at creating an "enclave economy" to shield and steer indigenous Fijians into the arena of commerce and high finance.
Indigenous Fijians have to learn the very intricacies of saving and investment. That discipline, unfortunately, flies on the face of indigenous Fijian village life. Indigenous Fijians own 85% of land in Fiji and have control over all natural resources that fall within the boundaries of native land. Unwise planning coupled with petty rivalries over money continues to have its toll. An all-indigenous Fijian government will solve the problems afflicting the natives and the nationalist rhetoric against Indo-Fijians is baseless.
For an immediate solution, the President shall appoint Government of National Unity (GNU) with members from all political parties, which were successful in the 1999 general elections. Following that the GNU shall look at the 1997 Constitution and recommend changes wherever necessary. After all the changes have been finalised, the President should call for general elections. Special and sectional interest must not be allowed to dictate constitution and government in Fiji.